模版：白金汉大学毕业证获得

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白金汉大学毕业照展示

高等教育的国际化、分校的扩散、联合白金汉大学学位和国际研究合作可能意味着在学术、社会和文化雷区航行并做出妥协。
白金汉大学可能会冒很大风险，最终会在学术自由等重要学术价值观上妥协。
分校也可能被指控牟取暴利，并把白金汉大学课程强加给国家，这可能不符合它们的文化和东道国的教育目标。
6月1日在伦敦举行的英国文化协会全球会议上，一个专家小组表示，需要建立如此重要的保障制度。
美国乔治梅森白金汉大学荣誉校长彼得·斯蒂恩斯（Peter Stearns）说，在国际化问题上，一些最尖锐的冲突是辩论围绕学术自由展开，会议听证会涉及中国、海湾国家和新加坡的学术自由问题，辩论集中在耶鲁-美国白金汉大白金汉大学的学校园。
尽管白金汉大学的学校真正致力于学术自由，但它们“特别关注与中国、俄罗斯等国家的合作，这恰恰是基于国际教育联系在理想情况下应该有助于消除或缓和其他政治紧张局势”这一理由。
斯蒂恩斯说：“如果你在另一个对学术自由不那么尊重的地区工作，总会有妥协和分歧。
”但我们应该始终能够接受学术界的分歧，”英国加的夫白金汉大学副校长科林·里奥丹说，“可能对海外的地方法规并不熟悉，这可能意味着白金汉大学意外地触犯了他们并不熟悉的政权。
”可能存在文化冲突，事情以不同的方式发展，从而在标准上达成妥协，”Riordon说。
尽管专家小组一致认为，合作需要对当地做出反应并具有针对性，南非开普敦白金汉大学机构规划主任朱迪·法维什（Judy Favish）指出，国际排名系统“倾向于加强现有的优胜劣汰”。
“以违背国家目标的方式订单和歪曲机构行为。
”“追逐引文往往比推进有益于国家或地区的研究战略更能推动研究战略，”她说，并补充说，美国科技白金汉大学的机构是不可能的。
他在全球南部与西方机构平等竞争。
“竞争环境根本不平等，”法维什说。
所需要的不是强加于外部的合作伙伴，而是使合作在当地相关。
法维什说：“尽管让白金汉大学的大学生从全球角度参与到各种问题中来，这是极其重要的，但他们也必须能够从自己所在国家的角度出发。
”“我们需要警惕任何剥削或明显的殖民主义方法。
这需要有意识的过程，你必须尽职尽责，确保你不会造成伤害，同时努力从国际化中带来毫无疑问的好处。
监督，”Riordon说。
“你不能简单地假定，仅仅因为国内的事情进展顺利，国外的事情就进展顺利。
”他说，需要适当的保障措施，但专家组明确表示，对于这些保障措施可以采取什么形式，几乎没有达成一致意见。
在一些白金汉大学看来，将这种价值观纳入强制性协议是“走得太远”。
尽管像德国这样的一些国家制定了白金汉大学和研究合作的行为守则，但英国和美国等其他一些国家却发现，在如此广泛的机构中，任何这种守则都是有章可循的。
根据Riordon的说法，E可以被淡化到它可能变得毫无意义的程度。
里奥登说，应该清楚的是，传播知识是为了所有人的利益。
在建立任何形式的海外安排时，仔细考虑并确保甚至不怀疑有牟取暴利或滥用职权或其他利用他人管辖权的做法是非常重要的。

The political situation in Ukraine is far from stable.
‘Terrorists’ in the east still control small areas.
The main problem is that recently they managed to block the presidential elections in some cities, so those who wanted to vote were unable to do so.
Despite the political instability, reform of higher education is still among governmental priorities.
Last time I wrote about the necessity to add some amendments to the draft law after the first reading in parliament, in order to make it more progressive and relevant to the requirements of Ukrainian society after the Maidan revolution.
Work on amendments to the draft law on higher education has continued over the last month.
The parliamentary committee of science and education prepared the text for the second reading and made the majority of necessary changes.
Smart academic autonomyThe draft law gives rights to Ukrainian universities to resolve many issues around the structure and content of their educational and scientific programmes.
It creates a non-governmental agency for quality assurance in higher education, which will authorise the opening of new programmes for all degrees.
In fact, the agency will enforce minimal requirements for the learning process according to ministry-approved standards.
Thus, the draft law creates a well-balanced system where the ministry develops standards, the non-governmental agency gives permission to open programmes, and universities, having met the minimal requirements, compete to boost the quality of what they offer.
According to the draft law, quality should be a major factor in such competition because universities will be required to implement internal monitoring of the quality of the education they offer and regularly publish their results.
Welcome to foreign professorsUkrainian universities will be authorised for the final recognition of foreign diplomas and degrees.
This will eliminate the long-term academic ‘ghetto’ that was created by the Ukrainian scientific establishment.
For the first time, foreign professors will become equal in the rights they have with their Ukrainian colleagues, which will facilitate their involvement in the educational process.
Universities will be able to establish full and guest courses with foreign professors.
Importantly, this will be welcomed by Ukrainians who refused to return to their homeland because their foreign degrees needed to be reconfirmed.
Democracy and financial autonomyThe draft law guarantees financial autonomy.
It legalises endowments for universities, reduces the number of customs and taxes on their activities and allows universities to manage their own money rather than the state treasury.
The latter will make university life much easier – because of the lack of state funds currently the Treasury may delay some payments to universities for a month or even more.
Financial autonomy does not mean lack of control over spending.
This function was simply passed from the ministry to non-governmental bodies and members of the university community.
The draft law requires the administration to publish online approved budgets for a university and its projects, information on property, data concerning the distribution of wages and other documents.
Moreover, only the highest collective body of the university may allow the transfer of university property to another party.
It is also important that the draft law puts an end to the supremacy of rectors in Ukrainian universities.
Firstly, according to the draft law, rectors are elected by all employees and students in general, secret and direct elections.
Each group will have a different weighting for its votes – the votes of faculty will weigh 75%, students 15%, and other staff – 10%.
Secondly, the procedure of withdrawal from the post of rector has been simplified, meaning rectors will have to take into account the opinion of the university community.
Thirdly, the term of a rector’s contract has been reduced.
Rectors’ terms at all universities will be five years and one person can be a rector for a maximum of two terms.
Despite the fact that rectors still have the main power within universities, the draft law guarantees opportunities for constant public control of university authorities.
Faculty and student workloadsAnother significant change that the draft law will introduce is the reduction of the tutorial workload both for teachers and students.
Currently the maximum annual amount of tutorial work of Ukrainian faculty is 900 hours.
The draft law reduces that load by a third.
This change will allow many university teachers to extend the time they spend on research activities.
In addition, the workload will be reduced for students because the number of hours in one ECTS credit will be 30 instead of 36 hours.
This makes possible the quality restructuring of programmes – a lot of needless courses or subjects that echo one another will disappear.
In turn, workload reduction for students creates the conditions for fighting plagiarism.
The fight against plagiarism will be a way of internally monitoring education quality and should be implemented in all universities.
In addition, the draft law demands the online publication of all dissertations.
Under-represented groupsLast but not least – for the first time there is the possibility of legal guarantees for individuals with disabilities.
Ukrainian universities are still not available for these people.
The lack of specific architectural conditions, training materials, specially trained teachers and social workers have made higher education inaccessible to people with disabilities for a long time.
The draft law imposes on universities a duty to provide everything needed for a normal learning process for people with disabilities.
The last word is left to MPsAll these and many other changes that the draft law will bring, are supposed to radically transform Ukrainian universities.
This reform is fundamental.
In fact, Ukraine may get its first fully fledged branch reform of higher education after the Maidan.
However, the mood of the Ukrainian parliament is quite variable.
Because of the situation in the east, deputies may decide that now is not the proper time for higher education.
In addition, analysts point out that the so-called post-revolutionary reform window has already closed.
MPs are back to voting mainly according to the interests of various financial groups.
Therefore, getting MPs to vote for the draft law in the second (last) reading may be very difficult.
Meanwhile time is running out.
There are only three plenary weeks left until the parliamentary recess in July.
At the same time, autumn is considered inauspicious for reform because this period will be occupied by the election campaign, with elections planned for the end of the year.
Also, nobody can predict how realistic the chances will be for the draft law after the parliamentary elections.
That’s why the only possibility for the second reading of the draft law ends at the beginning of July.
So we will soon find out the answer to the big question – are Ukrainian MPs ready and interested in joining the club of higher education reformers or not?* Yegor Stadny is a higher education policy analyst at the Centre for Society Research, a think-tank in Kyiv.
He received an MA in history at Kyiv-Mohyla Academy and an MA in East European Studies at Warsaw University.
He is currently doing his PhD at Kyiv-Mohyla Academy.

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