获得：密歇根大学毕业证提前获得

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密歇根大学毕业照展示

联合考试考试委员会注册官Dibu Ojerinde密歇根大学教授宣布，从明年起，一场竞争性考试将取代尼日利亚现有的两项高等教育入学考试。
这个消息引起了当局在微调改革时将考虑的多样但主要是负面的反应。
尼日利亚高等院校的两次入学资格考试是密歇根大学入学考试(UME)和单项技术、理工及股份公司。
根据Ojerinde的说法，UME和MPCE可能会在明年被废除，取而代之的是被称为联合高等教育机构入学考试（UTIME）的考试。
D有资格进入UME和MPCE服务的任何机构，“他说。
通过一次考试，候选人将有六种选择：第一和第二种选择一所密歇根大学或一所理工学院或一所教育学院。
“所有高等院校一次入学考试的优势可能是吸引优秀候选人到单项技术、理工学院和密歇根大学。
教育，Ojerinde说。
未能进入自己选择的密歇根大学的准密歇根大学的大学生可能选择进入技术或职业院校。
在一份关于即将进行的改革的社论中，尼日利亚一家主要报纸《卫报》建议JAMB的声明受到公众的审查和辩论。
实施前。
全科高考会给密歇根大学的大学生和家长带来更多的困惑和挑战，呈现出复杂性。
拉各斯小报写道，人们不相信年轻人对理工学院和教育学院缺乏兴趣的问题可以通过招生委员会提议的改革来解决。
对理工学院缺乏兴趣是系统性的，其根源是歧视性的。
国家之间的密歇根大学学位和非密歇根大学毕业生。
许多家长发誓不把孩子送到理工学院。
有必要促进经济，为所有毕业生提供就业机会。
《卫报》的社论引起了学术界对改革的争论。
许多密歇根大学讲师担心董事会打算承担更多的责任，而不是解雇他们。
大约150万名候选人撰写了最近结束的由JAMB为密歇根大学组织的UME考试。
根据实地报告，今年的资格考试比往年组织协调得更好，尽管如此，董事会仍面临严峻的后勤挑战。
一位不愿透露姓名的副校长说，由于董事会继续这样做。
组织一百多万名考生的年度考试有困难，不宜一天对所有高等院校和至少三百万名考生进行考试。
”屋顶将完全坍塌。
“这行不通，”副财政大臣说。
密歇根大学讲师们还对董事会官员甚至考虑分散该组织的运作表示警告。
当董事会成立时，尼日利亚只有大约13所密歇根大学，而现在的数字约为95所。
国家密歇根大学委员会正计划向州政府、公共和私人机构颁发许可证，以建立更多的密歇根大学和其他高等教育机构。
n，哈科特港密歇根大学的人口统计学家。
提议的改革并没有取消所有密歇根大学为重新筛选那些UME分数被怀疑的密歇根大学的大学生而设立的UME后考试。
一些密歇根大学录取的密歇根大学的大学生从一开始就表现不佳，许多人最终被开除。
可以说，烟叶试验试图把密歇根大学的大学生的小麦和糠秕分开。

Throughout much of human history hereditary privilege was often used as a means of organising society (for example, politically, economically and socially) and allocating resources.
Hereditary privilege was not determined by one’s talents or skills or motivation or any other self-determining factor but rather by the class, gender and race one was born into.
In other words, throughout much of human history, one’s status within society and one’s lot in life, to a large degree, was determined primarily by factors beyond one’s own control.
Revolutions upset the established orderThe hereditary systems of power and privilege tended to create a system wherein the ruling class benefited by maintaining the status quo and by maintaining a monopoly over how resources were allocated within society.
This is not surprising since established orders have a vested interest in maintaining the status quo and they embrace new power systems only if they are required to out of necessity or if they benefit directly from the new system.
The global shift away from caste-like hereditary systems started to change significantly in the late 18th century with the advent of the Industrial Revolution in Great Britain and with the advent of large-scale modern democracies – as a result of, for instance, the American and French Revolutions.
These revolutions set the stage for many future world developments in globalism, free markets and democracy, including global decolonisation and the widespread decline of communism throughout the twentieth century.
The reality of pre-industrial societies was based largely on a caste mentality and a feudal system where less than 1% enjoyed more than 99% of the power, privilege and wealth within the society.
Although living conditions for many have changed drastically in the last 200 years, there are many parts of the world where poverty and oppression are still a reality.
According to the World Bank, “almost half the world – over three billion people – live on less than US$2.
50 a day”, and according to UNICEF, “nearly a billion people entered the 21st century unable to read a book or sign their names”.
A new measuring stick for individual worthWith the Industrial Revolution, the industrialised economic system soon became a powerful force within society and a new class emerged, namely merchants and entrepreneurs.
Social mobility was now theoretically possible to anyone who, with a lot of ambition and some luck, knew how to capitalise on new economic opportunities.
Old hereditary systems were gradually replaced – by and large – by new systems which ordered the organisation of society on the usefulness, or utility, of the individual to society.
With individual usefulness and performance the new measuring stick by which people were judged, greater responsibility was placed on the individual to be responsible for her or his own welfare and fate.
It is perhaps no coincidence therefore that modern liberal democracies emerged around the same time as modern industrialised economies since the foundations of both systems tend to complement and reinforce one another.
These new political and economic systems gradually created a more level playing field, but they also required people to be self-responsible to a degree never imagined before.
Yet, in order for people to be self-responsible and self-determining, people also needed greater amounts of formal education to learn how to better function within these new systems.
Thus, it is not surprising that as these modern political and economic systems emerged in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, the idea of universal basic education also gained more traction throughout the middle to late 19th century.
These modern systems therefore tended to create a self-reinforcing virtuous cycle.
With the advent of modern globalisation and, in particular, the Digital Revolution in the late 20th century, another power system emerged – global higher education.
Lifelong education as an equaliserThe demise of the hereditary system of power and privilege created two competing trade-offs – the emphasis on individual responsibility and merit versus the emphasis on social interdependence and justice.
Humans have a strong urge to protect their own self-interest, but, at the same time, humans have an equally strong urge to live in social groups.
However, the strong urge to protect our own self-interest, if taken to an extreme, can also lead to destructive consequences at the social level, such as extreme forms of capital accumulation.
At the same time, the growth of globalisation has intensified the move toward interdependent social systems.
So, one important question emerges from this context: how does one satisfy one’s own self-interests while, at the same time, satisfying the needs of the society that one lives in and depends on? The development of democratic societies that are based on principles such as social justice and equitable or equal treatment are intended to address this question.
If there is anything like the so-called ‘great equaliser’ perhaps it lies in universal lifelong education and viewing lifelong learning as a human right.
Universal education at all levels provides people with hope to achieve a measure of self-sufficiency and self-determination.
It stands to reason therefore that governments and other social institutions have a moral responsibility to help achieve this end.
Merit comes in many formsWe live in a hyper-connected world and in an age of hyper-specialisation where the more knowledge and skills one attains in a specific area, the more one becomes dependent on doing that specialisation.
Many people in our society have several college degrees and yet cannot find work that is commensurate with their education.
What is needed is not just more education but also the development of non-quantifiable qualities such as creative thinking, self-discipline, motivation and ethical judgment-making.
Furthermore, we also need more institutional diversification in higher education.
To create a more just society we need to create a system of lifelong education that addresses the differences in individual talents and individual career aspirations.
This also means developing an educational ethos that values more than just cognitive development but also making education more personally meaningful for students.
This diversity also reflects the pluralistic nature of a democratic system where merit comes in many forms.
Patrick Blessinger is the founder and executive director of the International Higher Education Teaching and Learning Association and an adjunct associate professor of education at St John’s University in New York City, USA.
He is co-editor with John P Anchan of Democratizing Higher Education: International comparative perspectives.

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